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| Paragraph #274 (on page 48) | In August 1996, Bin Ladin had issued his own self-styled fatwa calling on Muslims to drive American soldiers out of Saudi Arabia.The long, disjointed document condemned the Saudi monarchy for allowing the presence of an army of infidels in a land with the sites most sacred to Islam, and celebrated recent suicide bombings of American military facilities in the Kingdom. It praised the 1983 suicide bombing in Beirut that killed 241 U.S. Marines, the 1992 bombing in Aden, and especially the 1993 firefight in Somalia after which the United States “left the area carrying disappointment, humiliation, defeat and your dead with you.”3 Bin Ladin said in his ABC interview that he and his followers had been preparing in Somalia for another long struggle, like that against the Soviets in Afghanistan, but “the United States rushed out of Somalia in shame and disgrace.” Citing the Soviet army’s withdrawal from Afghanistan as proof that a ragged army of dedicated Muslims could overcome a superpower, he told the interviewer: “We are certain that we shall—with the grace of Allah—prevail over the Americans.” He went on to warn that “If the present injustice continues . . . , it will inevitably move the battle to American soil.”4 Plans to attack the United States were developed with unwavering single mindedness throughout the 1990s. Bin Ladin saw himself as called “to follow in the footsteps of the Messenger and to communicate his message to all nations,”5 and to serve as the rallying point and organizer of a new kind of war to destroy America and bring the world to Islam. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #315 (on page 58) | Bin Ladin’s impressive array of offices covertly provided financial and other support for terrorist activities. The network included a major business enterprise in Cyprus; a “services” branch in Zagreb; an office of the Benevolence International Foundation in Sarajevo, which supported the Bosnian Muslims in their conflict with Serbia and Croatia; and an NGO in Baku, Azerbaijan, that was employed as well by Egyptian Islamic Jihad both as a source and conduit for finances and as a support center for the Muslim rebels in Chechnya. He also made use of the already-established Third World Relief Agency (TWRA) headquartered in Vienna, whose branch office locations included Zagreb and Budapest. (Bin Ladin later set up an NGO in Nairobi as a cover for operatives there.)36 Bin Ladin now had a vision of himself as head of an international jihad con federation. In Sudan, he established an “Islamic Army Shura” that was to serve as the coordinating body for the consortium of terrorist groups with which he was forging alliances. It was composed of his own al Qaeda Shura together with leaders or representatives of terrorist organizations that were still independent. In building this Islamic army, he enlisted groups from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, Oman, Algeria, Libya, Tunisia, Morocco, Somalia, and Eritrea.Al Qaeda also established cooperative but less formal relationships with other extremist groups from these same countries; from the African states of Chad, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, and Uganda; and from the Southeast Asian states of Burma, Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia. Bin Ladin maintained connections in the Bosnian conflict as well.37 The groundwork for a true global terrorist network was being laid. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #320 (on page 59) | Attacks Known and Suspected After U.S. troops deployed to Somalia in late 1992, al Qaeda leaders formulated a fatwa demanding their eviction. In December, bombs exploded at two hotels in Aden where U.S. troops routinely stopped en route to Somalia, killing two, but no Americans. The perpetrators are reported to have belonged to a group from southern Yemen headed by a Yemeni member of Bin Ladin’s Islamic Army Shura; some in the group had trained at an al Qaeda camp in Sudan. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #321 (on page 60) | Al Qaeda leaders set up a Nairobi cell and used it to send weapons and train ers to the Somali warlords battling U.S. forces, an operation directly supervised by al Qaeda’s military leader.45 Scores of trainers flowed to Somalia over the ensuing months, including most of the senior members and weapons training experts of al Qaeda’s military committee.These trainers were later heard boasting that their assistance led to the October 1993 shootdown of two U.S. Black Hawk helicopters by members of a Somali militia group and to the subsequent withdrawal of U.S. forces in early 1994. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #352 (on page 67) | Al Qaeda continued meanwhile to collaborate closely with the many Mid dle Eastern groups—in Egypt, Algeria, Yemen, Lebanon, Morocco, Tunisia, Somalia, and elsewhere—with which it had been linked when Bin Ladin was in Sudan. It also reinforced its London base and its other offices around Europe, the Balkans, and the Caucasus. Bin Ladin bolstered his links to extremists in South and Southeast Asia, including the Malaysian-Indonesian JI and several Pakistani groups engaged in the Kashmir conflict. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #360 (on page 68) | In August 1997, the Kenya cell panicked. The London Daily Telegraph reported that Madani al Tayyib, formerly head of al Qaeda’s finance committee, had turned himself over to the Saudi government.The article said (incorrectly) that the Saudis were sharing Tayyib’s information with the U.S. and British authorities.86 At almost the same time, cell members learned that U.S. and Kenyan agents had searched the Kenya residence of Wadi al Hage, who had become the new on-site manager in Nairobi, and that Hage’s telephone was being tapped. Hage was a U.S. citizen who had worked with Bin Ladin in Afgha nistan in the 1980s, and in 1992 he went to Sudan to become one of al Qaeda’s major financial operatives.When Hage returned to the United States to appear before a grand jury investigating Bin Ladin, the job of cell manager was taken over by Harun Fazul, a Kenyan citizen who had been in Bin Ladin’s advance team to Sudan back in 1990. Harun faxed a report on the “security situation” to several sites, warning that “the crew members in East Africa is [ sic ] in grave danger” in part because “America knows . . . that the followers of [Bin Ladin] . . . carried out the operations to hit Americans in Somalia.” The report provided instructions for avoiding further exposure. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #492 (on page 97) | A decade later, the military establishment had another experience that evoked both Desert One and the withdrawal from Beirut.The first President Bush had authorized the use of U.S. military forces to ensure humanitarian relief in war-torn Somalia.Tribal factions interfered with the supply missions. By the autumn of 1993, U.S. commanders concluded that the main source of trouble was a warlord, Mohammed Farrah Aidid. An Army special force launched a raid on Mogadishu to capture him. In the course of a long night, two Black Hawk helicopters were shot down, 73 Americans were wounded, 18 were killed, and the world’s television screens showed images of an American corpse dragged through the streets by exultant Somalis. Under pressure from Congress, President Clinton soon ordered the withdrawal of U.S. forces. “Black Hawk down” joined “Desert One” as a symbol among Americans in uniform, code phrases used to evoke the risks of daring exploits without maximum preparation, overwhelming force, and a well-defined mission. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #530 (on page 104) | In the decade before 9/11, presidential discussion of and congressional and public attention to foreign affairs and national security were dominated by other issues—among them, Haiti, Bosnia, Russia, China, Somalia, Kosovo, NATO enlargement, the Middle East peace process, missile defense, and globalization.Terrorism infrequently took center stage; and when it did, the context was often terrorists’ tactics—a chemical, biological, nuclear, or computer threat—not terrorist organizations. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #542 (on page 109) | By 1997, officers in the Bin Ladin unit recognized that Bin Ladin was more than just a financier.They learned that al Qaeda had a military committee that was planning operations against U.S. interests worldwide and was actively trying to obtain nuclear material. Analysts assigned to the station looked at the information it had gathered and “found connections everywhere,” including links to the attacks on U.S. troops in Aden and Somalia in 1992 and 1993 and to the Manila air plot in the Philippines in 1994–1995. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #605 (on page 125) | With UN sanctions set to come into effect in November, Clarke wrote Berger that “the Taliban appear to be up to something.”89 Mullah Omar had shuffled his “cabinet” and hinted at Bin Ladin’s possible departure. Clarke’s staff thought his most likely destination would be Somalia; Chechnya seemed less appealing with Russia on the offensive. Clarke commented that Iraq and Libya had previously discussed hosting Bin Ladin, though he and his staff had their doubts that Bin Ladin would trust secular Arab dictators such as Saddam Hussein or Muammar Qadhafi. Clarke also raised the “remote possibility” of Yemen, which offered vast uncontrolled spaces. In November, the CSG discussed whether the sanctions had rattled the Taliban, who seemed “to be looking for a face-saving way out of the Bin Ladin issue.”90 In fact none of the outside pressure had any visible effect on Mullah Omar, who was unconcerned about commerce with the outside world. Omar had virtually no diplomatic contact with the West, since he refused to meet with nonMuslims.The United States learned that at the end of 1999, the Taliban Council of Ministers unanimously reaffirmed that their regime would stick by Bin Ladin. Relations between Bin Ladin and the Taliban leadership were sometimes tense, but the foundation was deep and personal.91 Indeed, Mullah Omar had executed at least one subordinate who opposed his pro–Bin Ladin policy. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #1635 (on page 336) | General Tommy Franks, the commanding general of Central Command, recalled receiving Rumsfeld’s guidance that each regional commander should assess what these plans meant for his area of responsibility. He knew he would soon be striking the Taliban and al Qaeda in Afghanistan. But, he told us, he now wondered how that action was connected to what might need to be done in Somalia,Yemen, or Iraq. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #1660 (on page 341) | In 1996–1997, the intelligence community received new information mak ing clear that Bin Ladin headed his own terrorist group, with its own targeting agenda and operational commanders. Also revealed was the previously unknown involvement of Bin Ladin’s organization in the 1992 attack on a Yemeni hotel quartering U.S. military personnel, the 1993 shootdown of U.S. Army Black Hawk helicopters in Somalia, and quite possibly the 1995 Riyadh bombing of the American training mission to the Saudi National Guard. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #1806 (on page 366) | In talking with American and foreign government officials and military offi cers on the front lines fighting terrorists today, we asked them: If you were a terrorist leader today, where would you locate your base? Some of the same places come up again and again on their lists: • western Pakistan and the Pakistan-Afghanistan border region • southern or western Afghanistan • the Arabian Peninsula, especially Saudi Arabia and Yemen, and the nearby Horn of Africa, including Somalia and extending southwest into Kenya • Southeast Asia, from Thailand to the southern Philippines to Indonesia • West Africa, including Nigeria and Mali • European cities with expatriate Muslim communities, especially cities in central and eastern Europe where security forces and border controls are less effective In the twentieth century, strategists focused on the world’s great industrial heartlands. In the twenty-first, the focus is in the opposite direction, toward remote regions and failing states. The United States has had to find ways to extend its reach, straining the limits of its influence. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #1858 (on page 377) | Recommendation: Just as we did in the Cold War, we need to defend our ideals abroad vigorously. America does stand up for its values. The United States defended, and still defends, Muslims against tyrants and criminals in Somalia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq. If the United States does not act aggressively to define itself in the Islamic world, the extremists will gladly do the job for us. • Recognizing that Arab and Muslim audiences rely on satellite television and radio, the government has begun some promising initiatives in television and radio broadcasting to the Arab world, Iran, and Afghanistan.These efforts are beginning to reach large audiences. The Broadcasting Board of Governors has asked for much larger resources. It should get them. • The United States should rebuild the scholarship, exchange, and library programs that reach out to young people and offer them knowledge and hope.Where such assistance is provided, it should be identified as coming from the citizens of the United States. An Agenda of Opportunity The United States and its friends can stress educational and economic opportunity.The United Nations has rightly equated “literacy as freedom.” • The international community is moving toward setting a concrete goal—to cut the Middle East region’s illiteracy rate in half by 2010, targeting women and girls and supporting programs for adult literacy. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #2129 (on page 432) | Vice President of the United States,1993–2001 Scott Gration Fry’s Chief Information Operations Officer, 2000–2001 Stephen Hadley Deputy National Security Advisor, 2001– Dennis Hastert Speaker of the House, 1999– Karl Inderfurth Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia, 1997–2001 Donald Kerrick Deputy National Security Advisor, 2000–2001 Zalmay Khalilzad NSC Senior Director for Near East and South Asia and Special Envoy to Afghanistan, 2001–2003 Anthony Lake National Security Advisor, 1993–1997 Trent Lott Senate Majority Leader, 1996–2001 Mary McCarthy NSC senior director for intelligence, 1998–2001 John McLaughlin Deputy Director of Central Intelligence, 2000–2004 William Milam U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan, 1998–2001 Norman Mineta Secretary of Transportation, 2001– Robert Mueller Director, Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2001– Richard Myers Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, September 2001–; Joint Chiefs Vice Chairman, 2000–2001 John O’Neill FBI Special Agent in Charge for National Secu rity, New York Field Office, 1997–2001; Chief of Security of the World Trade Center, killed on 9/11 Paul O’Neill Secretary of the Treasury, 2001–2002 James Pavitt Deputy Director of Operations, CIA, 1999–2004 Thomas Pickard Acting Director, Federal Bureau of Investigation, June 25, 2001–September 4, 2001 Thomas Pickering Under Secretary of State, 1997–2000 Colin Powell Secretary of State, 2001– Ronald Reagan 40th President of the United States, 1981–1989 Janet Reno Attorney General, 1993–2001 Condoleezza Rice National Security Advisor, 2001– Bill Richardson Ambassador to the United Nations, 1997–1998 Thomas Ridge First Secretary of Homeland Security, 2003–; Homeland Security Advisor, 2001–2003 Bruce Riedel Senior Director for Near East and South Asia, NSC, 1997–2001 Christina Rocca Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia, 2001– Michael Rolince FBI Section Chief, International Terrorism Oper ations Section, 1998–2002 Donald Rumsfeld Secretary of Defense, 2001– Peter Schoomaker Commander, Special Operations Command, 1997–2000 Gary Schroen CIA Station Chief, Islamabad, 1996–1999 Michael Sheehan Counterterrorism Coordinator, U.S. Department of State, 1998–2000 Hugh Shelton Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1997–2001 Walter Slocombe Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, 1994–2001 James Steinberg Deputy National Security Advisor, 1996–2000 Strobe Talbott Deputy Secretary of State, 1994–2001 George Tenet Director of Central Intelligence, 1997–2004 Larry Thompson Deputy Attorney General, 2001–2003 Dale Watson Executive Assistant Director for Counterterrorism and Counterintelligence, FBI, 2001–2002 Paul Wolfowitz Deputy Secretary of Defense, 2001– Anthony Zinni Commander, U.S. Central Command (CENT COM), 1997–2000 OTHERS Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz Crown Prince and de facto regent of Saudi Ara bia, 1995– Mohdar Abdullah Yemeni; student in San Diego who assisted two 9/11 hijackers Sayf al Adl Egyptian; high-ranking member of al Qaeda mili tary committee Mahmud Ahmed Director General of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate, 1999–2001 Mohammed Farrah Somali warlord who challenged U.S. presence in Aidid Somalia in the early 1990s (deceased) Ali Abdul Aziz Ali (a.k.a.Ammar al Baluchi) Pakistani; KSM’s nephew; financial and travel facilitator for 9/11 plot Ahmad Khalil Ibrahim Iraqi intelligence officer who allegedly met with Samir al Ani Atta in Prague, Czech Republic; currently in U.S. custody Mohamed Atta Egyptian; tactical leader of 9/11 plot; pilot/hijacker (AA 11) (deceased) Mohammed Atef (a.k.a. Abu Hafs al Masri) Egyptian; al Qaeda mili tary commander (deceased) Tawfiq bin Attash (a.k.a. Khallad,Waleed bin Attash) Yemeni; senior al Qaeda operative connected to the U.S. embassy bombings, the USS Cole attack, and the 9/11 attacks; currently in U.S. custody Anwar Aulaqi U.S. citizen; Imam at Rabat mosque (San Diego, CA) and later at Dar al Hijra mosque (Falls Church,VA), who associated with two 9/11 hijackers Abdullah Azzam Palestinian; founder of the Maktab al Khidmat, which provided logistical support to mujahideen in Afghanistan (deceased) Jamal al Badawi Yemeni; co-conspirator arrested in Yemen for the USS Cole attack Said Bahaji German son of Moroccan immigrant; Hamburg cell associate Saeed al Baluchi Saudi; candidate 9/11 hijacker Fayez Banihammad Emirati; 9/11 hijacker (UA 175) (deceased) Abu Ubaidah al Banshiri Egyptian; al Qaeda military commander until 1996 (deceased) Abu Bara al Yemeni (a.k.a. Abu al Bara al Ta’izi, Suhail Shurabi, and Barakat) Yemeni; potential suicide bomber in original 9/11 plot Ramzi Binalshibh Yemeni; Hamburg cell member; coordinator for 9/11 plot; currently in U.S. custody Omar Hassan Ahmed President of Sudan, 1989– al Bashir Abu Bakar Bashir Indonesian; spiritual leader and founder of Jemaah Islamiya, al Qaeda–affiliated terrorist group in Southeast Asia Omar al Bayoumi Saudi; assisted two 9/11 hijackers in San Diego, CA Khalil Deek U.S. citizen; created electronic version of Encyclo- pedia of Jihad ; believed to be involved in millen nium plot to destroy tourist landmarks in Jordan Caysan Bin Don (a.k.a Isamu Dyson, a.k.a Clayton Morgan) U.S. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #2382 (on page 468) | 45. U.S. intelligence did not learn of al Qaeda’s role in Somalia until 1996. Intelligence report, Bin Ladin’s Activ ities in Somalia and Sudanese NIF Support, Apr. 30, 1997. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #2383 (on page 468) | 46. Intelligence report, Bin Ladin’s Activities in Eritrea, Mar. 10, 1997; FBI report of investigation, interview of confidential source, Sept. 16, 1999; FBI report of investigation, interview of Essam Mohamed al Ridi, Dec. 7, 1999; trial testimony of Essam Mohamed al Ridi, United States v. bin Laden , Feb. 14, 2001 (transcript pp. 578–593); trial testimony of Fadl, United States v. bin Laden , Feb. 6, 2001 (transcript pp. 279–285). In June 1998, Bin Ladin was indicted on charges arising out of the Somalia attack in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #2527 (on page 479) | 3. On Fadl, see, e.g., Intelligence reports on historical background of Bin Ladin’s army (Nov. 26, 1996;Apr. 18, 1997); on the structure of al Qaeda and leadership composition (Dec. 18, 1996; Dec. 19, 1996; Dec. 19, 1996); on roles and responsibilities of the organizational component (Dec. 19, 1996); on objectives and direction (Jan. 8, 1997; Jan. 27, 1997); on the financial infrastructure and networks (Dec. 30, 1996; Jan. 3, 1997); on connections and collaboration with other terrorist groups and supporters (Jan 8, 1997; Jan. 31, 1997; Jan 31, 1997; Feb. 7, 1997); on activities in Somalia (Apr. 30, 1997); on Bin Ladin’s efforts to acquire WMD materials (Mar. 18, 1997). On the other walk-in source, see CIA cable, Jan. 3, 1997. Material from the Nairobi cell was introduced into evidence during the testimony of FBI Special Agent Daniel Coleman, United States v. Usama Bin Laden , No. S(7) 98 Cr. 1023 (S.D. N.Y.), Feb. 21, 2001 (transcript pp. 1078–1088, 1096–1102). [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #2597 (on page 484) | 89. NSC email, Clarke to Berger, Oct. 30, 1999. 90. Ibid.; NSC memo, Benjamin to CSG, Nov. 12, 1999. Earlier, Clarke had worried that the expulsion of Bin Ladin might mean he would move to Somalia or Libya, where he might be even harder to target. NSC email, Clarke to Berger, Oct. 8, 1998. [ [clusters] ] |
| Paragraph #2667 (on page 489) | 12. Intelligence report, interrogation of KSM, Feb. 19, 2004. 13. Probably inflating his own role, KSM says he and a small group of colleagues, including Yousef and Wali Khan, were among the earliest advocates of attacking the United States. KSM asserts that Bin Ladin and some of the other jihadist leaders concentrated on overthrowing Arab regimes and argued for limiting confrontation with the United States to places like Somalia. On KSM’s description of Bin Ladin’s agenda, see Intelligence report, interrogation of KSM, Nov. 13, 2003. As discussed in chapter 2, we do not agree with this assessment. On Bin Ladin’s reactions to KSM’s proposal, see Intelligence reports, interrogations of KSM, July 12, 2003; Jan. 9, 2004; Feb. 19, 2004. On KSM’s intent to target the United States and Bin Ladin’s interest in Somalia, see Intelligence report, interrogation of KSM, Nov. 13, 2003. [ [clusters] ] |
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